Ed Bradley, Our New Ancestor

After reading the stories below, check out these interviews. And don’t forget to watch the “60 Minutes” tribute this Sunday night.

NEW YORK (CNN) — Ed Bradley, the longtime “60 Minutes” correspondent who reported on subjects ranging from jazz musicians to the Columbine school shootings, has died. He was 65. 

Bradley died Thursday at New York’s Mount Sinai Hospital of leukemia, according to staff members at the CBS program.

Bradley joined “60 Minutes” during the 1981-82 season after two years as White House correspondent for CBS News and three years at “CBS Reports.” His reporting over the years won him a Peabody Award, 19 Emmys and a Robert F. Kennedy Journalism Award, among many others.

CNN’s John Roberts, who worked with Bradley at CBS, said the newsman was “always a person you could sit down with and he could keep you intrigued for hours at a time with the stories he could tell.”

Roberts called Bradley a “first-rate” journalist.

“He clearly was a field reporter,” said Howard Kurtz, the Washington Post media reporter. “He did not want to be chained to a desk.” Kurtz also hosts CNN’s “Reliable Sources.”

“He was somebody who liked being out there on the story, whether it was in the Vietnam War or whether it was doing investigative work or bringing alive the plight of families who were dealing with illnesses or violence or other issues he covered,” Kurtz added.

Bradley was known for his thoughtful, mellifluous voice and often deceptively relaxed interviewing style. In 2000, he conducted the only television interview with condemned Oklahoma City bomber Timothy McVeigh. His hourlong report on the plight of Africans dying of AIDS, “Death by Denial,” won a Peabody.

Bradley, a great music lover, also interviewed Miles Davis, Lena Horne and Paul Simon, among other performers. He once moonlighted as a disc jockey, earning $1.50 an hour spinning records while working as a teacher by day.

Bradley began his career in radio at WDAS in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, in 1963. In 1967 he moved to New York and radio station WCBS, and then joined CBS News as a stringer in the Paris bureau in 1971.

After a stint in Saigon (now Ho Chi Minh City), Vietnam, he came to Washington in 1974. He covered Jimmy Carter’s presidential campaign in 1976.

CNN’s David Fitzpatrick, a former CBS producer who worked with Bradley, said there were tears in the halls of CBS News after word of his passing.

“He was gracious,” Fitzpatrick said. “He would always have a smile.”

Bradley is survived by his wife, Patricia Blanchet.

——-

Ed Bradley, The News Pioneer Who Never Lost His Cool

By Wil Haygood
Washington Post Staff Writer
Friday, November 10, 2006; C01

 

Ed Bradley had cool like a vault has money.

The celebrated “60 Minutes” newsman, who died yesterday of leukemia at 65, was certainly learned, absolutely a globe-trotter, and highly honored. But it was his cool that drew bearhugs from men and cheek-to-cheek kisses from women all over the world.

Deborah Willis, a professor of photography and imaging at New York University, came of age in Philadelphia — Bradley’s birthplace — during the 1970s, when the newsman was routinely showing up on national news broadcasts. Women were pointing to his picture in Jet and Ebony, in Time and Newsweek. Ed Bradley came to the American party with crossover cachet.

“He had this style that everyone tried to emulate,” says Willis.

Willis chatted with Bradley two months ago in Manhattan. Bradley had arrived at the New York Historical Society to listen to her interview the artist Betye Saar. Afterward, “He complimented me on my interview! Do you know how much that meant to me?” she says.

Willis noticed how people watched Bradley at her lecture. “There was the cool pose that wasn’t posing. He personified this look. It was a constructed self, constructed from a history of men who knew what it meant to be masculine and cool.”

After college, Bradley taught school and did some unpaid disc jockey work. But he knew he had a voice, and the kind of diction that might lend itself to a job with a microphone. He started on the news side of CBS radio in 1967. Soon enough he was in Vietnam. It was a kind of trial assignment.

“They made no promises to him when he went to Vietnam,” says Lee Thornton, who covered Jimmy Carter’s White House for CBS along with Bradley, both among the first blacks to do so.

But reputations were made in the Vietnam jungle. When Bradley emerged, with a thick but well-coiffed Afro and beard, his profile began to soar.

“He had his own kind of jazz,” says Thornton, who now hosts the cable talk show “A Moment With,” which is taped at the University of Maryland.

“He had a swagger and class. Mind you, he was not the first generation of black males at the networks. Hal Walker preceded him [at CBS]. But he brought his generation’s feeling of: ‘I have a right to be here. So let me show you.’ ”

Thornton remembers overhearing Bradley talking to “60 Minutes” producers as he made a follow-up pitch on the telephone shortly after his initial job interview for the program. “He was not, in the beginning, wanted by ’60 Minutes.’ I was there the day he kept making his case to them. I listened from one of those little booths near him. His case to them was: ‘I’m good, period.’ ”

He often turned his interviews into gabfests, into something akin to a kitchen chat at Thanksgiving. (They took on far more intensity when he was interviewing murderers or bombers.) And there were those across black America who wondered if as many black legends — Lena Horne, Muhammad Ali — would have been profiled were it not for his presence.

“Ed was as comfortable talking to Lena Horne as standing out on the White House lawn,” says Thornton. “What he brought to ’60 Minutes’ was not only the diversity of his person — his hipness, his music — but he extended that to the stories he covered. Thereby introducing America to those things.”

Thornton never saw meanness in Bradley. But a temperamental moment does stand out: “I was at CBS when an assignment editor asked Ed to do something. Ed didn’t like the story idea. He didn’t think it was up to his level. Ed stood up and looked at the editor and said, ‘Find. Yourself. Another. Dude.’ Oh, Lord, he was funny.”

Bradley’s pioneering presence on the air was widely noted. Last year he received a lifetime achievement award from the National Association of Black Journalists, in a ceremony here in Washington. He seemed genuinely moved at the event, staring at a screen as snatches of his memorable interviews scrolled by.

His hair had long gone gray. He had an earring. And he had raindrops in his eyes when he accepted the award from longtime BET newscaster Ed Gordon.

“Ed’s demeanor said to America: ‘Not everybody comes from the same cookie cutter,’ ” Gordon said yesterday. ” ‘But here we are.’ ”

Gordon says many black journalists are bedeviled by the prospect of being labeled “a black journalist,” convincing themselves they are shortchanging their breadth and scope. Bradley never ran away from his cultural pride, Gordon says, finding poetry where it existed. “Ed knew he was smart enough to do any story, be it on the Oklahoma City bomber or Lena Horne. That’s what was great about Ed.”

A bevy of friends had been gathering at Mount Sinai Hospital in New York in the waning days of Bradley’s life. Among them was Charlayne Hunter-Gault, a longtime friend.

Hunter-Gault, who has had her own distinguished career in journalism, used to run into Bradley all the time. He’d be on his way someplace. Lugging bags, looking bleary-eyed, off to another time zone, just back from another time zone. She didn’t understand it: All those honors, well into his 60s, running like a college intern. “I’d say, ‘Ed, you’ve got nothing to prove.’ He’d say, ‘I’ve got a job to do.’ ”

She walked into his hospital room the other day and he was tussling with the covers, moving his legs, his arms. “He was fighting,” says Hunter-Gault. “It made me think of that Sterling Brown poem, ‘Strong Men Keep A’Comin.’ ”
You sang Me an’ muh baby gonna shine, shine

Me an’ muh baby gonna shine

The strong men keep-a-comin’ on

The strong men git stronger

BIG Kudos To……..

……….Syndication One’s “The Michael Eric Dyson Show” and “Keeping It Real With The Rev. Al Sharpton” for yesterday and today providing TWO FULL DAYS of national election coverage from the Black liberal-to-progressive perspective.

Cathy Hughes and Tom Joyner have their (deserved) critics, but I ain’t one—at least not today. :)  REACH Media allowed me to experience a dream come true this week—a NATIONAL, community-accessible Black medium used to discuss the current state of local, regional and national Black political development in detail.

The Election—Two Views

View No. 1:

(This counts DOUBLE for Rumsfeld’s ouster!!!) 

On the other hand, before we get too carried away, here’s the second view—one in which I also agree. A great dose of truth.

———-

AMY GOODMAN: For analysis on Tuesday’s election and the Democratic victory in the House, we’re joined by consumer advocate and two-time presidential candidate, Ralph Nader, in Washington, D.C. Welcome to Democracy Now! 

RALPH NADER: Thank you, Amy.

AMY GOODMAN: It’s good to have you with us. What is your assessment of Election Day and the results?

RALPH NADER: Well, the assessment is that to the extent the Democrats gained the majority in the House, it was on the backs of some very rightwing Democrats who won the election against rightwing Republican incumbents. And so, there was no mandate for any progressive agenda. For example, in 1974, when the Democrats swarmed over the Republicans, it was on the backs of many very progressive Democratic challengers who were elected. And the same is true in the ’60s, when some very progressive senators like Gaylord Nelson from Wisconsin was elected. But not this time. They’re going to have to deal with a lot of Blue Dog Democrats, and that’s going to give Pelosi great pause as she tries to maneuver a few things through the Congress.

The other thing that is good, though, is that there’s some very good veteran chairmen who are coming in: George Miller, Henry Waxman, Ed Markey and, of course, John Conyers. But to counter that, both John Conyers and Nancy Pelosi have taken the impeachment issue right off the table, before the election, and that means there’s going to be no Bush accountability for his war crimes and his inflation of unlawful presidential authority.

AMY GOODMAN: And yet, Ralph Nader, when asked — when Nancy Pelosi was asked what would be the difference if the Democrats took over, she said subpoena power.

RALPH NADER: Well, alright, that gets to a real gridlock situation. The Democrats will throw a lot of subpoenas at the White House. The White House will, of course, drag it on and on and on. And the public will get fed up with it. The White House has great reserves in dragging it on and on and on. Because Bush can’t rely on Republicans as a majority of the Congress, he’s going to inflate his presidential power even more extremely and unlawfully, in the opinion of many legal scholars, to do through the inherent power of the presidency, as Dick Cheney and Bush have talked about, what he can’t do through the Congress, which he no longer controls.

But notice that, in all the debates I’ve heard between the Senate candidates and the House candidates over the last few weeks, there was almost no mention of corporate power, the 800-pound gorilla, no mention of corporate crime, no drive for corporate reform. And yet, if you look at the forward issues in the country, who’s saying no to healthcare, universal healthcare? Corporate power. Who’s saying no to a real crackdown on corporate crime against consumers, especially inner-city consumers? Corporate power. Who’s saying no to cleaning up the corrupt tens of billions of dollars in military contracting fraud, like Halliburton? Corporate power. Who’s saying no to reform of hundreds of billions of dollars of diversion of your tax dollars, America, to corporate subsidies, handouts and giveaways? Corporate power. And yet, reporters and candidates hardly mentioned it. Kevin Zeese, the Green Party candidate, did in Maryland for the Senate. Howie Hawkins did in New York, the Green Party candidate for the Senate.

AMY GOODMAN: And certainly, Bernie Sanders makes that a major issue. It is the main point of his politics. And he’s been elected. He’s going to be the first socialist senator in the US Senate.

RALPH NADER: Well, there won’t be much socialism to him, but he’ll be a fresh voice, a very welcome voice along with Sherrod Brown. So that, you know, you can stop certain bad things in the Senate with two or three senators near the end of the session, so — the way Metzenbaum and Abourezk did in the ’70s — so that’s a welcome break. But there are some —

AMY GOODMAN: Ralph Nader, let me ask you about Connecticut, because that’s where you’ve spent a good amount of the last months, and here, yes, the independent candidate Joseph Lieberman beat out the antiwar Democratic candidate who had unseated him in the Democratic primary, Ned Lamont.

RALPH NADER: Well, that was a bizarre type of situation, because the Republican candidate was not able to get more than 10% of the vote. So Lieberman got 70% of the Republican voters in Connecticut, and that’s what won for him. He would have been history, if the Republicans respected their own voters in Connecticut and nominated someone who could get 20%, 25%, 30% of the vote. He’s going to be pretty insufferable. I mean, you know, Joe’s inherent self-righteousness now is ballooning by the hour, and he’s going to view himself as a kingmaker if the swing in the Senate is one seat. But he was the darling of the big business lobby, Chamber of Commerce, here in Washington, who anointed him. And that’s the power and greed lobby. And he was their favorite Democratic senator, only one of two.

AMY GOODMAN: Is it absolutely known that he will caucus with Democrats, number one? And number two, is there any discussion about him — perhaps the Bush administration, who’s deeply indebted to him, offering him, say, Secretary of Defense, if they don’t stick with Rumsfeld, to get him out of the Senate to put in a Republican? And would he take it?

RALPH NADER: There’s no doubt in my mind he’s going to caucus with the Democrats. He knows where his bread is buttered, where his friends are, where his contributors are, one. And he can play that both sides of the aisle, as he has for years as a Democrat. And he can get a committee chair if the Democrats win. I don’t think he’ll take an executive position. This is a failing administration. He would never want to be a Secretary of Defense in a Bush administration.

AMY GOODMAN: What about the other congressional races in Connecticut? Very significant. You’re talking about corporate power. Nancy Johnson is one of those Republican incumbents who went down, very well-known for representing the pharmaceutical industry, the insurance industry.

RALPH NADER: Yes. That was a surprise. She worked the precincts very carefully over the years, always went back home. But I think her opponent two years ago, [Maloney], congressman, when they were redistricted, damaged her credibility by pouring ads showing she was the agent of the drug industry and the big HMOs. I think he set her up for defeat by Chris Murphy yesterday.

AMY GOODMAN: What about the war, this being a vote against war? And what does that mean for Democrats right now? What happens?

RALPH NADER: Well, it means vagueness. Nancy Pelosi was very vague. She said there’s got to be a redirection, there’s got to be a change. But the Democrats don’t have the guts to really have a withdrawal plan. Internationalizing the situation there; having internationally supervised elections; having people of stature bring the three sectarian groups together, as they have in the past — the Kurds and Shiites and Sunnis in the ’50s arranged a modest autonomy within a unified Iraq — and bringing in, in an Islamic nation, peacekeepers, these things require real high-level diplomacy, and the Democrats, you know, are not in the executive branch. Bush is going to stay the course. He’s already announced that he’s going to be in Iraq until the last day of his office. So this will be a test of Hillary Clinton and others, and I don’t think they’re going to be able to meet it.

AMY GOODMAN: What about what’s happening in the Middle East, in Israel, Palestine, Lebanon? The latest attack on Beit Hanun has killed something like eighteen people, thirteen of one family. You certainly spoke out over the Israeli bombing of Lebanon. Will this ever become a major issue in the US Congress?

RALPH NADER: Certainly the Democrats are not going to make it a major issue. Nancy Pelosi and others have been with the pro-Israeli lobby for years. Certainly Bush and Cheney aren’t. They don’t understand that the greatest move toward national security in our country and in the so-called effort against terrorism would be to solve the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The majority of both people would like a two-state solution. There are extremists in Israel that would like to continue to dominate the West Bank and harass Gaza and block an exit of the people there for traveling and for export of goods. So it’s just — it’s now a steady state, destruction every day of innocent people, as you say, thirteen in one family. The Israeli military know how to pacify Gaza. They know they could take over that town, where these primitive rockets that are wildly inadequate are fired. But it serves the interest of certain political interests in Israel to continue this kind of conflict.

This is an eminently resolvable conflict. There’s a lot of former Israeli military and intelligence people who know how to do it, people in the Knesset who know what needs to be done. But as long as the US basically says to whoever is in charge, “You can do whatever you want over there, and we’ll still pump $3 – $4 billion and cluster bomb weapons, etc.,” there’s not going to be a resolution. As long as there’s no resolution, there’s going to be an inflammation increasing all over the Islamic world, and our national security will be compromised.

This campaign, this election, Amy, was basically a mandate-less election for the Democrats. There was really no mandate other than against Bush and do something about Iraq. Domestically, virtually no mandate about rearranging of power, shifting it from corporations to workers, consumers, taxpayers, to communities.

AMY GOODMAN: Ralph Nader, you mentioned Sherrod Brown, certainly will be one of the most progressive members of a new US Senate. Yet, in those waning days, as he was running for this Senate seat that he has just won from Ohio, he voted for the Military Commissions Act of 2006. Can you talk about the significance of this act?

RALPH NADER: That was a bad sign. That was, I think, not just a strategic mistake by Sherrod Brown. He’s going to regret this. It was a character deficiency, just like, you know, Hillary Clinton’s character deficiency. She refused to debate three third party Senate candidates, including Howie Hawkins in the Green Party, and the League of Women Voters was so upset, they withdrew co-sponsorship of the debate. We’ve got to focus on the ability of the Democrats to become very, very politically cynical in order to win. I don’t think Sherrod Brown had to do that to win. That is a monstrous laceration of our constitutional rights, that Military Commissions. I hope it will be declared unconstitutional in its noxious provisions by the Supreme Court.

AMY GOODMAN: Ralph Nader, Hillary Clinton. There is some discussion that if, in fact, Democrats do take the Senate — there are two very tightly contested races now, of course, Virginia and Montana, although at this point Democrats have very narrow leads in them — the possibility that she would become the Majority Leader of the Senate.

RALPH NADER: Well, I don’t think so. It’s very hard to be Majority Leader of the Senate and run for president, which she’s going to start to do right away. I think what we’re seeing here is a drive for a coronation in the Democratic nomination. As Mark Warner drops out, maybe John Kerry has been damaged, I mean, she’s going to have a huge war chest and just march to the nomination. And to do that, she’s got to be absent a great deal from the Senate. And when you’re Majority Leader in the Senate, you’ve got to be the valet for a lot of senators and you can’t go out to Colorado or California or New York or West Virginia, as a presidential candidate has to.

AMY GOODMAN: The issue of money and politics, something you take on in a very big way. According to the nonpartisan Center for Responsive Politics, at least 2.8 billion dollars were spent in this election, making these the most expensive midterm elections in history. I want to talk about this big money in the big parties, the two big parties, and also third party politics today, and what you saw around the country.

RALPH NADER: Well, first of all, the mess with the voting machinery and the registration situation, this country is a mockery of obstructing people to vote, going back to the post-Civil War era. Now they have new ways to do it through these machines, through not distributing the machines, through challenging people’s voting credentials. There’s no other Western democracy that requires registration. In Canada, if you are counted as part of the regular census, you vote, period.

And so, what we need in this country, first of all, is a complete reform of electoral laws, including one federal standard for candidates running for federal office, for Congress and for the President, not 50 different state standards and more county standards. There needs to be criminal prosecutions. Notice you can obstruct people’s right to vote, you can do what happened in Ohio and Florida, and because both parties want to be able to do it, if they’re in power, at the state level, there’s no prosecution tradition here, as there is, say, for procurement fraud. So nobody goes to jail. So, every two or four years, it’s going to happen, more and more and more. And the number of ways that people can be obstructed from voting — votes can be miscounted; that people can be falsely designated as ex-felons; the extent to which voting rolls can be shrunken, like in Cleveland, Ohio, by a Republican state government, Blackwell, Secretary of State — all this is going to happen again and again, unless you have crackdowns, unless you have task forces that will prosecute these violations, and unless you have a national debate about universal voting, Amy.

We’ve got to ask ourselves — jury duty is the only civic duty in our Constitution. We have a whole Bill of Rights, but we have very few duties. And if we have to obey thousands of laws passed by lawmakers, it seems to me that having voting be a civic duty, as it is in Australia and Brazil and some other countries, is the way to clear away all these manipulations and obstructions, because if you have a legal duty to vote —

AMY GOODMAN: You mean, mandatory.

RALPH NADER: Yes. If you have the duty to vote, then obstructing it becomes a very serious crime, whereas now it’s just, you know, the political game the two parties play against one another. And the discussion of mandatory voting would include a binding “none of the above.” So you can go to the polls or absentee vote for the ballot line, you can vote write-in, you can vote for your own person, write in your own name, or you can vote for a binding “none of the above.” I think that takes care of any civil liberties problems. But it should be decided by a special national referendum.

AMY GOODMAN: Ralph Nader, we have to wrap up, but I just want to ask: Hillary Clinton spent something like $30 million on an almost uncontested race at the point where, you know — of yesterday, certainly getting more nationally known. Are you going to be running for president in 2008?

RALPH NADER: It’s too early to say. I do want to give you one quick sidebar, Amy. In Morgan County, USA, in Morgan County, West Virginia, with a 60% Republican registration advantage, the incumbent for county commissioner was defeated overwhelmingly, by 20 points, by a challenger. She beat him by 20 points. And that was done by person-to-person campaigning, which I think is going to be the way progressives in this country are going to win elections. This is a stunning victory over a Republican machine that ought to be studied, in Morgan County, West Virginia.

AMY GOODMAN: Ralph Nader, I want to thank you very much for joining us, two-time presidential candidate, joining us from Washington, D.C. 

Independent Audio/Video You Should Check Out (Third In A Long-Running Series)

The latest from FreeMix Radio.

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Music: Talib Kweli, Mos Def, Sizzla, Ghostface, Spinna, Hi-COUP, Blitz, Pharaoh Monch, Wildchild, M.O.P., Flawless Blak, Nas, Papoose, D’angelo, AZ, CL Smooth, Serious Jones, Premier, Common, Dead Prez and more…

News/Interviews: DC Radio CO-OP interviews Dead Prez plus: Johonna McCants discusses Carceral Studies and the Prison Industrial Complex, Nas and Pharoah speak and Mumia Abu-Jamal and Snoop talk pimping

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Announcement: Those interested in publishing academic articles, essays, poems, etc. should check out the Journal of Global Culture from Words, Beats and Life: wblinc.org

Tavis: Where's The (Big Dawg Media) Love?

Thought this email—which I’ve copyedited a little—was interesting. Clearly Brian Lamb of C-SPAN, a fellow Hoosier, loves Tavis.

streetroachpics.com

10/26/06

Tavis Smiley was at the world-famous Karibu Bookstore last week. He was there to promote his new book. The book talks about Tavis on a personal level, detailing his family history. Tavis had a troubled past as a youth and he talks about how he overcame it.

Tavis says he was upset with Oprah and Larry King. As everyone knows, if you go on “Oprah” or “Larry King,” this normally helps with the success of your book, movie or album. Neither Oprah nor Larry have invited Tavis to their shows for any of his books, as Tavis pointed out. Tavis pointed out that although he has not been on any major (national) talk show, one of his books was on The New York Times bestseller list and the current book is three spots away from reaching that list.

He thanks both his fans and supporters for the success of the books and the outlets that allowed him to promote his books.

Of course, one could say that Tavis himself is a media outlet and may not need the help of Oprah or Larry King to support his book. 

Here is a small video clip of Tavis speaking on these issues.

Have You Checked Out……….

………..the VV article on The Source yet?

*SIGH*

I used to write for The Source‘s National Affairs section. Two very smart, very talented, strong sisters edited that part. Then Osorio became editor.

*SIGH*

Read Rolling Stone’s great cover story yet? (Its author was on “Democracy Now!”) You know, Rolling Stone is a Very White popular culture magazine (it seems to only cover Black people when they’re starving in Africa or when they have a mike or guitar in their hands in America), but, as a lifetime subscriber, I can say with some authority that it believes in more than selling CDs. Look here if you don’t believe me.

*SIGH*

And don’t get me started on the socio-political content of those other Bl—uh, I mean, “urban”  🙂 —music/popular culture magazines that represent Black IMAGES, not Black people. Meanwhile, Emerge has been dead for six years.

*SIGH*

Niggers are scared of revolution
But niggers shouldn’t be scared of revolution
Because revolution is nothing but change
And all niggers do is change

Niggers come in from work and change into pimping clothes
and hit the streets to make some quick change
Niggers change their hair from black to red to blond
and hope like hell their looks will change
Nigger kill other niggers
Just because one didn’t receive the correct change
Niggers change from men to women, from women to men
Niggers change, change, change You hear niggers say
Things are changing? Things are changing?
Yeah, things are changing
Niggers change into ‘Black’ nigger things
Black nigger things that go through all kinds of changes
The change in the day that makes them rant and rave
Black Power! Black Power!
And the change that comes over them at night, as they sigh and moan:
White thighs, ooh, white thighs
Niggers always goin’ through bullshit change
But when it comes for real change,
Niggers are scared of revolution
 

Niggers are actors, niggers are actors

Niggers act like they are in a hurry
to catch the first act of the ‘Great White Hope’
Niggers try to act like Malcolm
And when the white man doesn’t react
toward them like he did Malcolm
Niggers want to act violently
Niggers act so coooool and slick
causing white people to say:
What makes you niggers act like that?
Niggers act like you ain’t never seen nobody act before
But when it comes to acting out revolution


Niggers say: ‘I can’t dig them actions!’
Niggers are scared of revolution
 

Niggers are very untogether people
 

Niggers talk about getting high and riding around in ‘els’
Niggers should get high and ride to hell
Niggers talk about pimping
Pimping that, pimping what
Pimping yours, pimping mine
Just to be pimping, is a helluva line
 
Niggers are very untogether people

Niggers talk about the mind
Talk about: My mind is stronger than yours
“I got that bitch’s mind uptight!”
Niggers don’t know a damn thing about the mind
Or they’d be right
Niggers are scared of revolution

Niggers fuck. Niggers fuck, fuck, fuck
Niggers love the word fuck
They think it’s so fuckin’ cute
They fuck you around
The first thing they say when they’re mad: ‘Fuck it’
You play a little too much with them
They say ‘Fuck you’
When it’s time to TCB,
Niggers are somewhere fucking
Try to be nice to them, they fuck over you
Niggers don’t realize while they doin’ all this fucking
They’re getting fucked around
And when they do realize it’s too late
So niggers just get fucked up
Niggers talk about fucking
Fuckin’ that, fuckin’ this, fuckin’ yours, fuckin’ my sis
Not knowing what they’re fucking for
They ain’t fucking for love and appreciation
Just fucking to be fucking.
Niggers fuck white thighs, black thighs, yellow thighs, brown thighs
Niggers fuck ankles when they run out of thighs
Niggers fuck Sally, Linda, and Sue
And if you don’t watch out
Niggers will fuck you!
Niggers would fuck ‘Fuck’ if it could be fucked
But when it comes to fucking for revolutionary causes
Niggers say ‘Fuck revolution!’
Niggers are scared of revolution


Niggers are players, niggers are players, are players
Niggers play football, baseball and basketball
while the white man cuttin’ off their balls

When the nigger’s play ain’t tight enough
to play with some black thighs,
Niggers play with white thighs
to see if they still have some play left
And when there ain’t no white thighs to play with
Niggers play with themselves
Niggers tell you they’re ready to be liberated
But when you say ‘Let’s go take our liberation’
Niggers reply: ‘I was just playin’
Niggers are playing with revolution and losing
Niggers are scared of revolution

Niggers do a lot of shootin’
Niggers shoot off at the mouth
Niggers shoot pool, niggers shoot craps
Niggers cut around the corner and shoot down the street
Niggers shoot sharp glances at white women
Niggers shoot dope into their arm
Niggers shoot guns and rifles on New Year’s Eve
A new year that is coming in
The white police will do more shooting at them
Where are niggers when the revolution needs some shots!?
Yeah, you know. Niggers are somewhere shootin’ the shit
Niggers are scared of revolution


Niggers are lovers, niggers are lovers are lovers
Niggers love to see Clark Gable make love to Marilyn Monroe
Niggers love to see Tarzan fuck all the natives
Niggers love to hear the Lone Ranger yell “Heigh Ho Silver!”
Niggers love commercials, niggers love commercials 
Oh how niggers love commercials: 
“You can take niggers out of the country, but you can’t take the country out of niggers”


 
Niggers are lovers, are lovers, are lovers
Niggers loved to hear Malcolm rap
But they didn’t love Malcolm

Niggers love everything but themselves

I love niggers, I love niggers, I love niggers
Because niggers are me
And I should only love that which is me

I love niggers, I love niggers, I love niggers
I love to see niggers go through changes
Love to see niggers act
Love to see niggers make them plays and shoot the shit
But there is one thing about niggers I do not love
Niggers are scared of revolution
—“Niggers Are Scared Of Revolution” by The Last Poets

White Liberals, Glass Houses, And The Black Radical Journalism Tradition

 

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White Liberals and Glass Houses: A Reminder that Black Radical Journalism is a Tradition

By Jared A. Ball

Even as they decry the practice of exclusion among the mainstream press, the white left-led media reform movement does the same to Black American and domestic or local news. While just a brief overview, one far from being exhaustive in its study, this commentary is both a postscript to past analysis performed on the subject and a prelude of more in-depth forthcoming work. However, following a recent study published by the white-left media watchdog group Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting or FAIR and in advance of my own participation at next year’s Media Reform Conference in Memphis, I would at least like to propose the following for consideration.

This situation is precisely why I make mixtapes. As crazy as it sounds to some, “FreeMix Radio: The Original Mixtape Radio Show,” a Washington, D.C.-based freely distributed mixtape CD, is as likely to let an audience in on the real conditions of the United States, particularly Black America, or to allow for the airing of the real critical political hip-hop, as any popular media, including that produced from the white liberal left. In other spaces I have analyzed, and will continue to analyze, the fact that maybe more than any other popular form of musical expression, political (or at least non-abusive) hip-hop is least likely to gain access to any airwaves in the United States. Even my beloved WPFW Pacifica Radio—here in D.C. and with whom I currently work—has an allegiance to jazz that relegates only 5 hours a week to hip-hop and that’s it for the entire city, at least when it comes to the type of hiphop of which I speak. This leaves our youth solely at the hands and whims of a commercial pop culture world which, in the words of Jonathan Kozol, is bent on their “cognitive decapitation.” In terms of news or perspective, little changes when it comes to the white left. We agree that the right-led mainstream news environment is a destructive mess, with many of us considering even attempting change in that arena a hopeless waste of time. But perhaps we will yet again need to condemn our comrades on the left and further the development of more Black-centered progressive or radical journalism.

The October 13, 2006 edition of Counterspin—the 30-minute weekly radio show from Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, a white liberal media watchdog group—was dedicated to their recent study on PBS’s “NewsHour with Jim Lehrer.” It detailed the right-wing slant of the show and an overall lack of inclusiveness in major media. Among the report’s findings were that on the “NewsHour,” men appeared 4 times as much as women, Republicans twice as often as Democrats and that only 15% of all guests were so-called “people of color.” But even with such distinguished guests as FAIR’s own Julie Hollar (who also co-wrote the study) and media scholar Robert McChesney, founder of the media reform group Free Press, nothing was mentioned of their own inclusiveness failure rates. It must also be noted, parenthetically, that their standard of inclusion also remained fairly conservative in that it only measured Republican versus Democrat, as if that is somehow enough of a distinction. In other words, their study would be even more damning were it to include even more white radical perspectives of Communism, Socialism, Anarchy, etc. not to mention were it to include the varied radical concerns among African Americans (or Africans in America or New Afrikans). That is, if inclusion of Democrats is a standard, then where are we to look for Pan-Africanism or African Socialism?

But if we take their radio programs as signs of their particular range of coverage and perspective of that coverage, understanding as we do that FAIR, for instance, also publishes a print edition called Extra!, McChesney and Free Press all publish widely, etc. and so on, we would notice an absolute paucity of focus on African America. Future analysis will expand on this but I am enough of a listener and reader (I read McChesney widely and have interviewed him myself twice and even once emailed him with these very concerns) I feel confident in saying that similar findings would result.

The FAIR study mentioned uses invited guests as a leading component in their analysis. Being that I am not able to determine in all cases the race or ethnicity of guests by listening to them or reading their names in show summaries and recognizing that the inclusion of Black faces is not necessarily a guarantor of Black-centered or Black radical perspectives, I can make an assessment based on keynote topic selection as to whether or not particular attention was paid, in this case, to Black America. If we just look at the last calendar year and the primary or central themes of Counterspin we notice that only four of those themes were potentially specific to the conditions or struggles of African Americans and every single one was related to Katrina (shows on: 10/14/05, 1/27/06, 3/10/06 and 9/1/06). Each of these shows were follow ups on Katrina, but while we can give some benefit of the doubt, there would need to be further investigation to determine exactly what percentage of these stories were about Black people as opposed to issues of finance or the funneling of tax dollars via friendly no-bid contracts, etc. Even still, the horrific event some thought would bring media into more of a discussion of race and class has largely failed to do so—even within the media reform left wing.

McChesney is no better in this regard. In his weekly one-hour radio show Media Matters there has been little discussion of race and the Black struggle or current condition and when there is his invited guest expert is likely to be white male. In roughly the last year he too has had only 4 shows which discussed race at all, and these not necessarily the condition of Black America or its ongoing struggle, and 2 of these shows had white male guests Robert Jensen (10/02/05) and David Roediger (7/24/05). I wrote him recently an email reminding him that during these shows while he twice referenced writer and journalist Glen Ford (formerly of Black Commentator and now BlackAgendaReport.com) he had yet to actually invite him on as a featured guest. McChesney did remind me of what I had known that in the 2 other instances Sundiata Cha-Jua (3/19/06) and Salim Muwakkil (1/29/06) had appeared bringing the grand total of Black guests to 2 in the course of roughly 50 shows in the past year.

In preparation for our participation in Free Press’ upcoming conference on media reform my IndustryEars.com colleague Paul Porter too noted the lack of inclusion of Black voices and was even inclined to remark how “Free Press is the Clear Channel of Media Reform.” Porter continued, saying that, “It has become blatantly obvious that the media reform movement is as racist as media ownership. While we continue to lose ground daily for some strange reason our efforts often lead us to align with the groups that marginalize us. Groups like Free Press and forums such as Pacifica’s “Democracy Now!” have systematically added token voices to appear as if our agendas are the same. When you look at key reform groups over the years, they consistently hire people as public spokespeople who don’t look or think like us. Until we collectively form a unified partnership, we will continue to be marginalized and basically used until further notice. I am sure I will hear the benefits from some of you on why we need to align with larger reform groups, but the proof has been in past history. I am most interested in change. Speaking at the Memphis media reform or conducting a panel is of no use unless it changes the landscape.

Ah, yes. “Democracy Now!,” the new weekday darling of the New and Old Left. In my 2005 study of that show, I noted that of the 176 possible shows in the calendar year prior to the levees flooding in New Orleans, only 21 shows, or 12% had any focus on Black America. Of those 21, 10 were historical references to the Civil Rights era, including 2 about the historic—yet re-emergent—story of Emmitt Till, but only 4 with any contemporary focus. Of the 4, all were with the late activist Damu Smith surrounding much of his organizational work on issues of politics and environmental racism. One would hope that this powerful media outlet would not need to await another of the caliber of Damu before these issues gain coverage. Or perhaps such a figure will go unnoticed because of such inattention.

Now, this is not to say that the white left is the cause of the problem. But they are a problem. The pattern of abandoning Black American concerns for those considered more pressing or more exotic is again playing out in 2006. The fact remains that listeners to the radio programs discussed above will have a greater working knowledge of Iraq, Israel or Palestine than of Black America. I am sure part of the response will be that there is a war, or that international news is sorely lacking in mainstream press. No doubt this is true. However, I think it is more of a return of the left’s abandonment of the Movement when Civil Rights turned into Black Power: “You don’t want us? The fuck you too! We can cover Vietnam or the environment or the whales!” It is necessary to inform the nation of its role in and relationship to international politics. However, an overly intense focus on international issues, or to domestically tend only to cover issues at the highest federal levels, borders on copping out. Why? Because in each case the mostly white audience will feel appeased of its guilt in being complicit with a North American juggernaut, seeing themselves as powerless to make real change. More attention to local and domestic concerns would be more likely to challenge people to become more active in fixing, internally, the nation that most of the world rightly recognizes as the greatest threat to world peace.

 

But what we are seeing now are the remnants of the Civil Rights and Black Power era sellouts and conformists who have abandoned any attempt at domestic revolution in favor of challenging mainstream coverage of federal-level or international concerns. In the end the white left follow an agenda set by the elite owners of media and the world and leave the rest of us unsupported, protected or covered. The issue of communication, as Mark Lloyd has said, is a civil rights one but we are not seeing the same kind of white liberal, progressive or radical journalism that supported those efforts. Meanwhile, popular Black media has convinced us we need no such similar effort in Black journalism.

White America, as Dr. King said 40 years ago, has not done enough to condition itself out of white supremacy. Today, I feel a sense from this wing of political struggle that says, “We did that Black stuff already. You got your rights, you have celebrities and Black journalists. We’re moving onward and upward.” Well, despite the imagery, Black America is no better off today than at any other time. We remain imprisoned, ill-educated, with poverty and segregation levels that rival any other point in our history. Plantation slavery remains the standard by which we measure the condition of African Americans, which, unfortunately, prevents us from seeing that what currently exists is not progress but the proverbial knife being pulled 5 inches out of a 9-inch deep wound, as Malcolm X once made clear. And of any segment of the population who should be most able; given access, education and proclaimed criticism to see through the barrage of false imagery its our white friends of the upper-middle class left. But more likely is the reality that the trend remains much like Dr. King again said of the white left: They have “in devastating numbers walked off with the aggressor” where it appears as though the “white segregationist and the average white citizen has more in common with one ano ther than either had with the negro.”

Dr. Todd Steven Burroughs and I have argued for the creation of a B-SPAN, a Black national news service dedicated to year-round coverage of Black struggle and condition. I make mixtapes, do low-power and Internet radio—all of which is meant to support or exemplify underground and alternative journalism or the development of space for the expression of a decolonized culture. But more will need to be done in media and political organization if real progress is to occur. We must remember that the primary reason, despite a lack of intent to include from the white left, that Black Americans have eschewed “media reform” as a “movement” is because from the beginning it was and is understood that dominant media work for the dominant and that there is little chance of democratizing media in a decidedly un-democratic society. From Sam Cornish to Marcus Garvey, W.E.B. DuBois, Ida B. Wells, Robert and Mabel Williams, Sam Napier, Malcolm X, et. al., Black radicalism has always included an underground/alternative press component. None argued that reforming media would reform society they all argued that in order to reform or revolutionize society a supportive media would have to be created. And this is not exclusive to Black America. As noted by Lauren Kessler, radical journalism is a “tradition,” not an anomalous “time-bound” occurrence. This brief look at the white left need only be a reminder that we cannot expect that movement to be ours.

Black America, whether in journalism or larger political struggle, is fast-approaching complete isolation mostly from half-hearted and apolitical media inclusion and journalistic practice but also from a complete inattention from our white left comrades. As we work within we must also work without.

This has been Jared Ball for VOXUNION MEDIA and FreeMix Radio.

Dr. Jared A. Ball is an assistant professor of Communications/Media Studies at Morgan State University. He is editor of the Words, Beats and Life Journal of Hip-Hop and Global Culture and is also the founder and creator of “FreeMix Radio: The Original Mixtape Radio Show,” a rap music mixtape committed to the practice of underground emancipatory journalism. He and his work can be found online at VOXUNION.COM.

Wole Soyinka On Darfur: Abandonment = Genocide

 

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An excerpt from Pambazuka News.

In a recent speech at the 50th Anniversary of the 1st International Conference of Black Writers & Artists in Paris, Wole Soyinka warned against the neglect of those who remain silent against the crimes against humanity in Darfur: “As the armies of the Sudanese state mass for the final onslaught on its long determined design of race extermination, that future will stigmatise you one and all, will brand you collaborators and acccomplices if you abandon the people of Darfur to this awful fate, one that so blindingly scrawls its name across the supplicating sands and hills of Darfur— Genocide!”

Was it not here, on this same French soil, in this culture-proud nation that sometimes appears to conflate the very notion of civilization with whatever is uniquely French, that a culture warrior once took the bulldozer to a hamburger joint some years ago? His mission was to stem the tide of a neo-barbarism that, for the French, is synonymous with whatever is American. Lost on that-protector of French cultural purity was a thought that must have tickled the collective memory of former French colonials: the Macdonalisationor Disneyisation of French urban landscape was a kind of poetic justice in a reverse play of history. McDonald’s had arrived from the former colony of another European power to challenge the cultural hermeticism of a former colonizer.

The circumstances and action directe of the bulldozer response differed somewhat from the strategy embarked upon by the poet and statesman Leopold Sedar Senghor, Aime Cesaire, Leon Damas, Diop, Rene Depestre and other “cultural militants”—to adopt Senghor’s own expression—in their own time.

They were also protesting—right on the terrain of their colonizers, and as protagonists of a distant civilisation—the ascendancy of others over their own cultures and civilization. Theirs was, of course, a far-reaching protest, initiated within the enemy camp, against the lop-sided dialogue between France and her possessions, one that had turned the African mind into a mere cultural receptacle of France, indentured it to European identity and values. Thus, Negritude—by a seemingly separatist strategy, one that restated an African cultural matrix in contradistinction to the European.

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Happy 40th Birthday, (Both) Black Panthers!

I’m not just talking about the Party. That reunion happened in Oak Town over the weekend. Check out the archives here, and here’s two articles. It was good to hear a former Philadelphia Panther, Mumia Abu-Jamal, set it off with his commentary. His Op-Ed served as an appropriate and powerful open to the Pacifica broadcast. His BPP anniversary oriented interview, aired later in the program, was on-point as well. Here’s the transcript of the latter.

This photo is from a long time ago in a galaxy far, far away. Bro. Mumia, as he was known then, as Lt. of Communication for the Philadelphia branch of the BPP. He was 15 at the time. The picture was on the front page of The Sunday Philadelphia Inqurier in January 1970. It was published one month to the day of the COINTEL-PRO-led police murders of Fred Hampton and Mark Clark.

(Related asides: First, are you as excited as I am about Kathleen Cleaver’s forthcoming autobiography? Like Mumia’s forthcoming book on jailhouse lawyers, it can’t come soon enough. Second, let’s enjoy this footage for as long as we can.)

But there’s another 40th Panther birthday to celebrate: the one of the Marvel Comics superhero. Same age, believe it or not. The African warrior-king was the first Black superhero to appear in American comics.

When you have a free half-hour, you can check out this animated adaptation of the character’s first appearance—at least until it disappears. 🙂

“Prey Of The Black Panther”, Part One

“Prey Of The Black Panther,” Part Two

“Prey Of The Black Panther,” Part Three